Research for Japan

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September 30, 2012
This report includes the following essays: "East China and Yellow Seas Overview Essay", "China, South Korea, and the Yellow Sea", "Dealing with North Korean Provocations Around the Northern Limit Line", "Potential Flashpoints in the East China Sea", "Chinese and Japanese Geo-Strategic Interests in the
East China Sea", and "China’s Evolving Interests and Activities in the East China Sea".
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May 2, 2012

Because security concerns in East Asia have increasingly revolved around problems in the maritime domain, the Center for Naval Analyses has elected to make maritime security in East Asia the focal point for a series of workshops that will explore these issues in depth.

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January 1, 2009

During the course of the project, Sino–Japanese relations have improved, although the rivalry is, if anything, intensifying. When the project was first conceived in early 2006, relations were close to an all-time low. Japan’s Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro refused to yield to pressure from China and the Republic of Korea to stop visiting the Yasukuni Shrine and demonstrate a “proper appreciation for Japan’s history.” At the same time, Japanese officials were furious with Beijing for tolerating anti-Japanese riots in March and April 2005, and for having orchestrated a sustained effort to thwart Tokyo’s attempt to gain a permanent UN Security Council seat. In Beijing, policy initiatives to improve relations with Tokyo ground to a standstill after President Hu Jintao failed in his personal attempt to persuade Koizumi to be more responsive on the “history” issue.

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June 1, 2003
Specific individual military transformations achieve full significance only in the context of the broader processes of multiple interrelated transformations taking place in competition with those of one or more opponents. This study examines one historical case of broad systemic competitive processes to clarify the underlying dynamics: Japan and the United States between the two world wars. The armed forces of both nations envisioned significant risk of war between them and sought, with varying focus and vigor, to prepare. These efforts are contrasted in operational concept, doctrine, and technology. Japanese forces achieved a very high level of excellence in tactical execution, a level that American forces did not initially match in many areas. Moreover, Japan entered the war with materiel that was in many areas equal if not superior to that of the U.S. in both quantity and quality. But the effort the U.S. had put into capabilities for planning and executing higher-level operations frequently enabled its forces to pit strength against weakness, resulting in far faster erosion of Japan's defenses than the Japanese had anticipated. Thus American transformation efforts brought advantages beyond those of simple weight of forces.
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March 1, 1996
This research memorandum is part of a study sponsored by the Commander, Seventh Fleet, to assess the security environment of the Asia-Pacific Region (APR) between now and 2010. The study attempts to identify the most probable evolutionary trends in the APR out to 2010, and to derive implications for U.S. forces, particularly the Navy. This memorandum identifies these trends for Japan. The implications for the forces and for the Navy are contained in the final report for this project. The analysis strongly suggests the importance of a stable, credible U.S. presence in Japan in reinforcing Japan s current, yet potentially problematic, pro-U.S. orientation. The U.S. presence will significantly influence Japan' s defense policies because it will determine the credibility of broad U.S. nuclear and other security guarantees to Japan. Such a presence cannot be taken for granted 15 years hence.
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October 1, 1985
The strategic outlook in the Pacific is discussed in this research memorandum. In doing so, it looks at the Asia-Pacific region in historical perspective, examines the area's role in deterrence and a global conflict, and touches on current problems in the region.
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July 1, 1985
The role of the Pacific theater in a NATO-Warsaw Pact War is considered. The paper argues that the Pacific theater has been neglected in such a conflict because most war scenarios envision a struggle lasting no more than 30 to 60 days. As a result, the conflict is over too quickly in most scenarios for the interrelationships between the NATO and Pacific theaters to develop conceptually. However, in a long-war scenario, the Pacific theater's importance in the course and outcome of such a conflict becomes apparent. The military, industrial, and technological potential of the Pacific nations, especially China and Japan, combined with the U.S., constitute a reserve of strength capable of containing or reversing any Soviet success in a conventional conflict in Europe. This paper concludes that (a) current strategy or doctrine based on the refusal to repudiate the 'first use' of nuclear weapons has lost much of its credibility as a deterrent, and (b) the tacit or explicit adoption of a long-war strategy to counter Soviet capabilities in a short war should be considered.
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June 1, 1974
This paper presents an analysis of the PRC's attitude toward Japan in terms of trade and military activities.
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