Research for Asia

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June 1, 2010

On March 31, 2010, CNA China Studies hosted a half-day roundtable to discuss China’s relations with and activities in Pakistan. Thisreport summarizes key themes heard at this event.

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May 1, 2010

The commentary "Regional Naval Developments and Deployments—A Perspective from the United States" by RADM Michael McDevitt (Ret.) vice president and director of CNA Strategic Studies published in the book Southeast Asia and the Rise of Chinese and Indian Naval Power (Routledge 2010)

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May 1, 2009

Summary of a joint CNA-INSS roundtable discussing China's 2008 Defense White Paper.

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March 1, 2009

The United States and The Asia Pacific Region: Security Strategy for the Obama Administration

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February 1, 2009

Report on the Second KIMS-CNA Conference: "The PLA Navy's Build-up and ROK-USN Cooperation": Held in Seoul, Korea on 20 November 2008

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January 1, 2009

During the course of the project, Sino–Japanese relations have improved, although the rivalry is, if anything, intensifying. When the project was first conceived in early 2006, relations were close to an all-time low. Japan’s Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro refused to yield to pressure from China and the Republic of Korea to stop visiting the Yasukuni Shrine and demonstrate a “proper appreciation for Japan’s history.” At the same time, Japanese officials were furious with Beijing for tolerating anti-Japanese riots in March and April 2005, and for having orchestrated a sustained effort to thwart Tokyo’s attempt to gain a permanent UN Security Council seat. In Beijing, policy initiatives to improve relations with Tokyo ground to a standstill after President Hu Jintao failed in his personal attempt to persuade Koizumi to be more responsive on the “history” issue.

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September 1, 2002
Abstract:D6866 Although the initial burst of reformist energy that followed Soeharto's fall in 1998 has largely dissipated, the long-term prognosis for Indonesia remains basically positive. Expectations for democratic reform should be kept modest for the foreseeable future. President Megawati Sukarnoputri's opponents in the 2004 elections do not have strong political bases, and she appears likely to win re-election, but will probably govern with a shaky coalition. Political and government institutions, the judicial system, the police, and political parties are weak, and will gain strength only slowly. Parliament is unable to deal with more than a fraction of the legislation before it. The armed forces are not likely to take over, but will exercise considerable influence despite their formal removal from politics. Islamic-agenda political parties are divided: they may win up to 20% of the vote, but are not likely to coalesce around a single leader. The resilience of the Indonesian people is likely to prevent popular anger at government's failings from exploding.
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