Publications
CNA Strategic Studies Publications
Re-organization has been a conspicuous and continual phenomenon in the U.S. Navy’s Office of the Chief of Naval Operations (OPNAV) throughout the period examined in this volume.
A summary of remarks by speakers and participants at a CNA conference held in partnership with Wilton Park and Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies (RUSI), with additional support from Department for Transport, Thales, and Aegis Research and Intelligence.
U.S. policy makers lack sufficient understanding of the populist Islamist milieu in the Middle East and fail to take into account the Islamists’ long-term objectives and extended time frame. This is particularly evident in the context of national elections. The observer originally spoke on the basis of non-attribution but agreed that we might make limited distribution of his comments if we preserved his anonymity.
A workshop designed to identify new and emerging threats associated with increased flow of cocaine from South America to Europe via West African transit routes and explore options for stemming the flow of drugs through the region. Panelists and workshop participants, drawn from the U.S. Government, European counterpart organizations, and the analytic community, brought extensive knowledge of the region and functional expertise in counter-narcotics operations to the day-long discussion.
The United States and The Asia Pacific Region: Security Strategy for the Obama Administration
This volume provides a detailed set of insights and recommendations intended to be useful to U.S. Navy decision-makers and staff officers charged with developing the current and next generations of Navy capstone documents.
This paper highlights 9 major differences between Al Anbar and Afghanistan (particularly southern Afghanistan) and considers their implications for the Marine Corps.
Report on the Second KIMS-CNA Conference: "The PLA Navy's Build-up and ROK-USN Cooperation": Held in Seoul, Korea on 20 November 2008
During the course of the project, Sino–Japanese relations have improved, although the rivalry is, if anything, intensifying. When the project was first conceived in early 2006, relations were close to an all-time low. Japan’s Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro refused to yield to pressure from China and the Republic of Korea to stop visiting the Yasukuni Shrine and demonstrate a “proper appreciation for Japan’s history.” At the same time, Japanese officials were furious with Beijing for tolerating anti-Japanese riots in March and April 2005, and for having orchestrated a sustained effort to thwart Tokyo’s attempt to gain a permanent UN Security Council seat. In Beijing, policy initiatives to improve relations with Tokyo ground to a standstill after President Hu Jintao failed in his personal attempt to persuade Koizumi to be more responsive on the “history” issue.
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